Since the fall of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, the US-led military alliance NATO has been redefining its role and position in the shifting world order. It is competing with the other hegemonic forces of capitalist modernity for control over societies and territories. The Academy of Democratic Modernity’s brochure, “Opportunities and Dangers of the Third World War“, elucidates the current chaotic global moment and sheds light on the involved powers.
In this article, we will take a closer look at the role and situation of the Italian state throughout history until today, as the global arms race reaches new heights. The most recent NATO summit, in June 2025, concluded with an unprecedented goal for member states to dedicate 5% of their GDP to military expenditure.
Italy plays a special role in NATO strategy due to its geo-strategic position, which gives it access to the Mediterranean and the Middle East. However, Italian society strongly opposes this growing militarisation, rooted in a longstanding anti-militarist culture. Building on this tradition, democratic forces are mobilising against warmongering and seeking prospects for peace and democratic organisation. The “call for peace and a democratic society” made by Abdullah Öcalan on February 27 opened new prospects in this search for the Middle East and the world. This article will conclude by discussing how Italy’s democratic forces relate to this call.
How the Italian state assumed a strategic role for the U.S. and NATO
At the end of World War II, a new world order emerged, dividing the world into two blocs: One was led by the capitalist USA and the other by the real-socialist Soviet Union. These two blocs fought to extend their political models and zones of influence throughout the Cold War. The military counterparts of these blocs were NATO, founded in 1949, and the Warsaw Pact, established in 1955 and dissolved in 1991. It was during these years that Italy was given its strategic role in the Western military alliance.
During the final stages of World War II, as fascism collapsed within the Italian state and the resistance flourished, Great Britain and then the United States landed in Sicily and began to co-opt the military dimension of a defeated nation-state. During those years, four forms of power consolidated, shaping the Italian state in increasingly intertwined ways and fighting against the democratic forces and communalist roots of society in Italian territories. Alongside the state bureaucracy’s explicit power, the power of Freemasonry/P2, the Mafia, and the Italian secret services asserted itself. Each of these groups forged strategic relationships with the CIA and US politicians.
Without going into too much detail, it is important to emphasise that, although there is no official documentary evidence, many believe that the terms and conditions of the British and American landings in Italy were agreed upon with the Sicilian Mafia. This agreement is believed to have given the Mafia a foothold in Italian state politics.
The role of Operation Gladio, carried out by the CIA and the Italian secret services (SIFAR), in creating a “stay-behind”1 is better documented. The role of P2, an Italian Masonic lodge, is also documented. From 1945 onwards, P2 led Gladio and infiltrated every economic and political sphere of the Italian state. Meanwhile, official diplomatic relations were established between the U.S. and Italy, along with all the institutional and economic agreements that followed.
In the context of capitalist modernity, these four apparatuses accompanied the Italian state’s transition from the Second to the Third World War through various practices of special warfare, including preparations for coups d’etat (Piano Solo, Golpe Borghese, and Golpe Bianco) and massacres (the Piazza Fontana massacre and the Bologna massacre, among others), the destabilisation of the country (the Strategy of Tension), the use and financing of far-right parties and movements, the co-opting of the media, the production and dissemination of liberal and anti-social cultural content and propaganda, the infiltration and struggle against democratic organisations, and the militarisation of the territory and society. It is also worth noting that between the 1960s and 1980s, Italian society was home to both the largest communist party and the largest extra-parliamentary movement in Europe.
The Cold War and the subsequent resumption of direct U.S. intervention in the Middle East, beginning with the Gulf War in 1990, were phases of acceleration in this process. As a result, Italy transitioned from being a defence against potential communist expansion to becoming a major hub for US and NATO operations in Europe, the Mediterranean, and the Middle East.
US and NATO military infrastructure on Italian territory
For the Italian state to assume this strategic role for the U.S. and NATO, a widespread and complex infrastructure had to be gradually built, consisting of simple and specialised bases, command centres, firing ranges, etc. The first official agreement was signed in 1951, although much had already taken place unofficially in previous years. It provided for the construction of an American military base (Camp Darby) in Italy in exchange for the U.S. commitment to rebuild Italy’s entire military communications system. Currently, around 13,000 American soldiers are stationed at 120 sites, including bases and various types of infrastructure under different management. To this number we can add 20 secret US bases whose locations are unknown for security reasons.
The bases in Sicily, Naples, Aviano, and Ghedi are particularly important. The Sigonella base in Sicily houses the real-time monitoring command centre for ground troops and launches surveillance drones. It is also home to the MUOS (Mobile User Objective System) base, one of four bases around the world that coordinate the high-frequency military satellite communications system managed by the U.S. Department of Defence. Naples is home to one of NATO’s two command centres (the other is in the Netherlands), a US submarine base in the Mediterranean, and US Air Force and Marine Corps commands. Aviano and Ghedi house B61-3, B61-4, and B61-7 atomic bombs.
According to Italian journalist and peace researcher Antonio Mazzeo2, the strategic role of the bases located in Italy is evident in their participation in the operation in Iran on June 21:
“Weapons systems and ammunition were sent from Camp Darby and the Port of Livorno in Tuscany to U.S. troops in the Middle East. U.S. Air Force F-16 fighter-bombers were transferred from Aviano Air Base in Pordenone to the Persian Gulf. Large tanker aircraft took off from Aviano and refuelled the B-2 strategic bombers in flight. The bombers then dropped super bombs on Iranian underground laboratories.
The US Navy Command for Europe and Africa is stationed in Naples, Capodichino. It directed and coordinated all operations of naval units in the eastern Mediterranean and the Red Sea. The command provided Israel with anti-Tehran “cover.” The same command planned the launch of numerous Tomahawk cruise missiles against Iran from the USS Georgia nuclear submarine. Manned and unmanned aircraft took off from the Sigonella base in Sicily before, during, and after June 21, conducting countless intelligence and reconnaissance activities on Iranian targets. F-22 Raptor fighter jets flew over Sicilian airspace between Trapani and Catania, escorting the B-2s on their mission of death and destruction.”
As well as for the Middle East, the bases also serve as a springboard for Europe. Just a few months ago, the “San Marco” Marine Brigade held a training camp for elite Ukrainian amphibious units in Puglia.
The anti-militarist tradition and culture in the territories of the Italian state
Despite the explicit NATO and US military presence, and the fact that the Italian army benefits from it by using some of these bases and participating in various exercises and events, militarism has failed to take root in Italian society. Over the years, Italian society has shown a significant level of disaffection with nationalism and military participation. The Italian state’s efforts at national unification and homogenisation under a single state have not been successful, and disaffection with the “homeland”3 has often been the prevailing sentiment. Exploring this aspect in more depth in the future will be interesting.
Turning to more recent military culture, we find that since World War I, Italy has seen nearly 500,000 cases of draft evasion and over a million instances of insubordination. During the 1915-1918 war, deserters and draft evaders were so numerous that an amnesty was enacted in 19194. During the Second World War, the numbers were equally impressive: only 87,000 of the 180,000 young men of conscription age reported for duty. The rest went into hiding or joined partisan groups.
After World War II, mass social movements played a central role in Italian society, discouraging nationalist and militarist culture. This culture was antithetical to the ideas of the previous twenty years of fascism. Inspired by Marxism-anarchism, and Catholicism, pacifist and internationalist ideas played a particularly important role in the history of democratic forces in Italy. These ideas ultimately led to the abolition of compulsory military service in 2005.
Since then, the size of the armed forces has decreased, and its composition has changed. In fact, about 70% of enlistees are young people from southern Italy, driven more by the search for stable employment than ideological and cultural issues. They go on to work at various Italian military bases and infrastructure, which are mainly located in the north. Interestingly, however, the composition of command positions in the military has not changed; these positions are instead made up of military personnel from the northern regions. This demonstrates the deeply rooted colonial mentality in the history of the Italian unification process.
Therefore, we cannot give all the credit to the propaganda efforts of the democratic forces in Italy. It is important to recognise the deep cultural and social roots of democracy that still resist the disruptive forces of capitalist modernity today. According to a survey commissioned by the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) and carried out in June 2025 in all European countries, recent data show that Italian society is opposed not only to war, but also to increased military spending—a unique situation in Europe5.
When asked about policies that increase military spending, data from the rest of Europe shows that between 40% and 70% of respondents are in favour. In all countries, the percentage of those in favour is higher than the percentage of those against. The only exception is Italy, where 17% of the population favours increasing military spending, while 58% opposes it. These figures, although partial and the result of a specific agency, are intriguing.
The militarisation of Italian society in the context of Third World War
At the same time, we cannot say that the Italian state has not taken countermeasures in the context of the Third World War. Since the Second World War, we have witnessed the progressive disintegration of society and the loss of its ethical foundations. Society has become polarised into seemingly contradictory right-left positions that, in truth, are within the same paradigm.
Liberalism and consumerism have permeated society, affecting generations born after 1945. This has frayed the link with popular and peasant culture, progressively eroding society’s organisational capacity and democratic expressions. This ideological work has affected the capacity to resist, opening the door to increasingly explicit militarist propaganda.
Over the years, this propaganda has been pushed on various fronts, including its presence in schools and universities, film and television production, and military appearances on talk shows. The military promotes itself as a stable career path that allows individuals to overcome their limits and experience new adventures.
The militarisation of the Italian education system affects schools of all levels, from nursery schools to universities, throughout the country. Now, no educational activity goes without representatives of the armed forces (including US and NATO) and managers of companies in the war industry taking to the lectern. Unfortunately, a historical phase marked by permanent war could not spare the places where new generations are educated. This was also the case during fascism, when the regime’s pedagogy aimed to impose maximum consent to the regime and its warmongering choices.
Although specific projects existed beforehand, official protocols were first signed at the national level in 2014, and framework agreements were defined between the Ministries of Education and Defence in the last ten years. The Ministry of Labour has also been involved, integrating the military-industrial sector into school-to-work transition programs, now known as PCTO. These programs provide students with training and experience in the workforce, both at military bases and within major arms companies.
Educated in military-corporate culture at school, young people are constantly attacked and criminalised as a group in everyday life; the most obvious example was during Covid, when “young people” were blamed for the spread of the virus. Described as useless, harmful and spoilt, young people are offered a military career as an adventure and a means of emancipation from their families, especially young women.
At the same time, the spread of TV series and films directly funded by the Ministry, the military and arms companies such as Leonardo S.p.A. has grown exponentially. It is precisely these companies that, in the context of WWIII, have seen their revenues multiply since the 1950s, reaching unimaginable figures, and the numbers are set to rise.
In the last ten years, military spending in Italy has risen by more than 60%, but now we are facing an unprecedented surge. The agreements made by the government with Europe and NATO, which will see military spending increase to 5% of GDP by 2035, mean that Italy will have to invest €400 billion in the military sector, an expenditure that corresponds to three times the current expenditure on the health system.“These are important commitments that Italy will honour. We will not leave Italy exposed, weak and unable to defend itself,” said Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni. Meloni’s government has immediately shown its full subservience to the Atlantic Pact and US demands, departing decisively from the patriotic narrative of the Italian far right’s “Italy first” culture. Today, as then, it is difficult to push ahead with militarisation under the banner of “national pride”.
Propaganda is once again focusing on possible external and internal dangers and, therefore, on the need for militarisation and control. On the domestic front, it is interesting to note that, in the context of the Third World War, the recent “Security Decree” aims to make the role of the secret services even more explicit, freeing them from potential investigations. The decree introduces the explicit possibility for the services to act not only as investigators but as real instruments of destabilisation, taking the lead or forming associations with the aim of terrorism, including international terrorism, or the subversion of the democratic order.
Since 2008, all major cities in Italy have been constantly patrolled directly by the army, with the “safe streets” operation, via fixed posts in squares, near institutional buildings and with street patrol vehicles, to “protect” against external but above all internal dangers.
The massive presence of Italian and often US-NATO military personnel in everyday social life has seen an increase in cases of harassment against women. Patriarchal culture permeates military camaraderie, which leads to a “rape culture”. The most blatant example of this was during a recent gathering of Alpine troops, with 150 cases of harassment reported in three days.
The role of democratic forces in defending a peaceful society and the appeal of 27 February
In this context, democratic forces cannot be said to be standing by idly, moreover they are seeking to develop various defence mechanisms, albeit not always effective ones. The militarisation of society and territories, and the permanent war scenario have been and continue to be central themes of debate and action.
Over the years, there have been countless demonstrations against the construction or presence of military bases and in favour of peace. Among the most important are; the Perugia-Assisi marches, organised by the Catholic pacifist movement and others, the first of which took place in 1961 and the last in 2022; the three-year mobilisation (1981-83) against the installation of nuclear warheads at the Comiso base in Sicily; in 2003, the largest peace demonstration ever seen in Italy, in opposition to the invasion of Iraq, in which 3 million demonstrators marched behind the opening banner “Stop the war without ifs or buts”; the two mass invasions of the MUOS base in Sicily and the current mobilisations against the bases in Sardinia and Coltano (Tuscany). While it is true that none of these mobilisations has ever succeeded in permanently stopping the construction of bases or facilities, they have played a fundamental role in slowing down the work and broadening opposition to the militarist culture within the social fabric.
The diverse world of ecological and environmental associations and organisations has also repeatedly taken sides in this struggle against war, often starting from the deadly impact that military actions, production facilities and bases have on the ecosystem and nature.
More recently, within the world of education, a tool for information and self-defence called the “Observatory against the militarisation of schools and universities” has emerged among teachers and parents. On the one hand, it maps attempts to bring military culture into schools and, on the other, it provides legal tools to prevent such events, which, when fought in time, have often been successfully prevented.
The intensification of the genocide of the Palestinians has greatly broadened the front for peace. Where, in the aftermath of 7 October, the public debate and the democratic forces focused on the legitimacy or otherwise of that day and the Israeli reaction, after two years of the most documented genocide in human history, the situation has changed. The mobilisation of democratic forces and the critical situation in Gaza have forced politicians of all stripes to condemn the genocide, at least in words. This opening has broadened the debate on the war, on the use of bases on Italian territory for the ongoing wars, and on the role of Italian arms companies in the scenario of WWIII. The spread of “acampade” (camp-ins) within universities has reinvigorated student participation in opposition to war and genocidal policies, and has been an opportunity to create moments of information and debate for a greater understanding of the centrality of the Middle East in the context of WWIII.
The “appeal for peace and a democratic society” of 27 February was also an opportunity for debate for the democratic forces in Italy. While much of society only received this message via mainstream media coverage which reported the Turkish state’s view, or in any case read Öcalan’s words through the lens of the system of capitalist modernity, thus representing this historic step as simply a victory over terrorism, the situation was different in the context of political organisations. Most democratic forces, especially left-wing movements, parties and associations in this orbit, expressed various doubts and difficulties in understanding its deeper meaning, but with an approach of curiosity. This curiosity was also evident in the world of Catholic activism and pacifism. There was certainly a lack of adequate communication during all the phases leading up to the publication of the message, which came as a bolt from the blue. This took many people by surprise and, in the more orthodox Marxist fringes, led to a perception of betrayal and a renunciation of the struggle. However, among the democratic forces that are inspired by the ideas of the Kurdistan Liberation Movement and whom follow its developments most closely, the appeal has been welcomed, and an interest has been expressed in understanding the full depth of this historic transition, and a desire to take up the challenge.
Therefore it cannot be said that WWIII is not at the centre of the debate and concerns of society and democratic forces in Italy. This is expressed in various forms. Parliamentary political forces occasionally take positions on geopolitical developments but with little willingness to translate these positions into concrete action. Extra-parliamentary political organisations, such as social centres, territorial movements, environmental organisations and cultural associations, constantly organise demonstrations and events, but find it difficult to converge at key moments.
Small and medium-sized residents’ committees (against: military bases, industrial projects, anti-ecological state works and taxes) of which there are many in Italy, act to involve society in spaces of activation, participation and institutions in taking official stances. We could define committees as the main tool that society in the territories of Italy currently uses to organise and defend itself. The ongoing process in which small municipalities are taking official stances against war, military bases and increased military spending is very interesting. Although these decisions have no impact on the national government, they represent the expression of a fruitful use of democratic spaces in the territories and reaffirm the decision-making will that society expresses within and against the state.
Unfortunately, isolated and lacking ideological tools, these committees are crushed under the weight of powerful enemies such as NATO. In general, democratic forces in Italian territories struggle to build spaces for unity and discussion, despite the fact that this is considered necessary.
If the Italian state plays a strategic role in NATO policies and WWIII military operations, it cannot also play a strategic role in the peace process. From this perspective, investigating and rediscovering the anti-militarist and non-statist culture of society in the territories of the Italian state will be a fundamental step, as will be putting into practice democratic and convergent capacities, in order to oppose the system of war, for the free life of peoples in a democratic society.
Footnotes
- The term “stay-behind” refers to a paramilitary organisation set up by a state within its own territory or in another state for the purpose of carrying out operations to gather information for intelligence purposes, propaganda among the population, sabotage, preparing surprise attacks, supporting military operations, kidnapping or eliminating key people, and aiding insurrections, even coups.
Stay-behind groups were created by NATO during the Cold War, with or without the consent of the parliament of the state in which they operated, for anti-communist purposes (SDRA9 in Belgium, Absalon in Denmark, Aginter in Portugal, I&O in the Netherlands, ROC in Norway, LOK in Greece, TD BDJ in Germany, Gladio in Italy, etc.).
In 1990, Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti admitted the existence of Gladio. Its official establishment dates back to 1956, but the memorandum of understanding contained explicit references to pre-existing agreements. ↩︎ - US bases in Italy and the war on Iran. Meloni’s lies. ↩︎
- Italy has long been a collection of local autonomies and regional identities, often dominated by foreign powers, with deeply rooted local languages, cultures and traditions. Unification, which took place relatively quickly and through military conquest, was never able to create a strong sense of common belonging. What was created was a colonial model of the North over the South and the islands. This extractive policy created tensions and divisions that still persist today. The strong centralisation of the Italian state during the Risorgimento and fascism exacerbated feelings of resentment and rejection of a national sentiment. ↩︎
- Mario Isnenghi, Giorgio Rochat, La grande guerra, Milan, Il Mulino, 2014, ISBN 978-88-15-25389-7.
Antonio Gibelli, L’officina della guerra. La grande guerra e le trasformazioni del mondo mentale, Turin, Universale Bollati Boringhieri, 2007 [1991], ISBN 88-3391-821-1. ↩︎ - ECFR survey, Trump’s European revolution. ↩︎
